REVIEWS:
VOLUME TEN (2017): ARTEFACTS
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2017
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August
(14)
- VOLUME TEN (2017): ARTEFACTS
- * * * ARTICLES * * *
- Jason Gleckman: "Puritan Assurance"
- Sara Morrison: "Donne's Relic-Making"
- Jennifer van Alstyne: "Wives and Daughters"
- * * * REVIEWS * * *
- Diana Galarreta-Aima: "Women Playwrights"
- Lyn Bennett: "Trapnel’s Report and Plea"
- Susan Broomhall: "The Misfortunes of Love"
- Elisabeth C. Davis: "Mother Juana de la Cruz"
- Jeanette Fregulia: "Letters to Her Sons"
- Kelly Peebles: "From the Queen of Navarre"
- Carole Slade: "Letters of a Spanish Nun"
- VOLUME TEN (2017): ARTEFACTS
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▼
August
(14)
Showing posts with label Reviews. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Reviews. Show all posts
Wednesday, August 16, 2017
* * * REVIEWS * * *
APPOSITIONS:
Studies in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature & Culture
ISSN: 1946-1992
VOLUME TEN (2017):
ARTEFACTS
REVIEWS:
Diana Galarreta-Aima, James Madison University, review of
Feliciana Enríquez de Guzmán, Ana Caro Mallén, and Sor Marcela de San Félix, Women Playwrights of Early Modern Spain. Edited by Nieves Romero-Díaz and Lisa Vollendorf. Translated and annotated by Harley Erdman. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).
Lyn Bennett, Dalhousie University, review of
Anna Trapnel, Anna Trapnel’s Report and Plea; or, A Narrative of Her Journey from London into Cornwall. Edited by Hilary Hinds. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).
Susan Broomhall, University of Western Australia, review of
Claudine-Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin, Memoirs of the Count of Comminge and The Misfortunes of Love. Edited and translated by Jonathan D. Walsh. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).
Elisabeth C. Davis, University at Buffalo, review of
Mother Juana de la Cruz, Visionary Sermons (1481-1534). Edited by Jessica A. Boon and Ronald E. Surtz. Translated by Ronald E. Surtz and Nora Weinerth. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).
Jeanette M. Fregulia, Carroll College, review of
Alessandra Macinghi Strozzi, Letters to Her Sons (1447-1470). Edited and translated by Judith Bryce. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).
Kelly D. Peebles, Clemson University, review of
Jeanned’Albret, Letters from the Queen of Navarre with an Ample Declaration. Edited and translated by Kathleen M. Llewellyn, Emily E. Thompson, and Colette H. Winn. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).
Carole Slade, Columbia University, review of
María Vela y Cueto, Autobiography and Letters of a Spanish Nun. Edited by Susan Diane Laningham. Translated by Jane Tar. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).
APPOSITIONS:
Studies in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature & Culture
ISSN: 1946-1992
VOLUME TEN (2017):
ARTEFACTS
Diana Galarreta-Aima: "Women Playwrights"
Diana Galarreta-Aima
Book
Review
Feliciana
Enríquez de Guzmán, Ana Caro Mallén, and Sor Marcela de San Félix, Women Playwrights of Early Modern Spain.
Edited by Nieves Romero-Díaz and
Lisa Vollendorf. Translated and annotated by Harley Erdman. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The
Toronto Series, Vol. 49, ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for
Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016), 272 + xii pp. ISBN: 9780866985567
1> By providing an English translation of the works of three
female playwrights of Golden Age Spain who lived and wrote between 1569 and
1687, Women Playwrights of Early Modern Spain seeks to revise the
canon of Spanish drama, bringing to light the importance of female writers in
seventeenth-century Spain’s changing society and theater. This book is part of
a larger project, the “Other Voice” in Early Modern Europe, which has brought
to light texts otherwise forgotten or overlooked. This first-ever English translation will be
of great interest to scholars and students of theater, gender, and conventual
life in Golden Age Spain.
2>
This collection is divided into a succinct introduction to early modern Spanish
theater (including a table of known women playwrights in Iberia and
Ibero-America from 1500 to 1750); a note on the translations that explains the
unique features of the Golden Age Spanish dramatic verse, and the reasons for
some translation liberties in word-selection and rhyme scheme; biographical
notes, select bibliography, plot summary and short analysis before each play;
and a final bibliography that includes editions of the works translated in the
volume.
3>
Nieves Romero-Diaz and Lisa Vollendorf explain that the playwrights featured in
their volume were chosen “for diversity of audience, genre and style they
represent” (1). Notably, the plays in this collection have never been
translated into English or any other language, which is an important goal of
this text. The first work are the four interludes of the best-known two-part
play of
Feliciana Enríquez de Guzmán, Tragicomedy of the Sheban Gardens and Fields.
The decision of selecting a minor genre, the Spanish comedia’s interlude, by the first female playwright to write for
the Spanish public stage, is not a coincidence: it introduces readers to a
minor but important genre of Spanish theater, and also gives a glimpse into a
female writer’s incursion into the more playful side of theater. The second
work is Ana Caro Mallén’s Count Partinuplés that features a strong female character,
Rosaura, who challenges gender norms, devising a complex scheme to choose her
own husband. The last works were written by one of Lope de Vega’s daughter (the
most important playwright of Golden Age Spanish theater), Sor Marcela de
San Félix. Her work represents the
female literary talent found within the convent walls in early modern Spain.
4>
One common element of the plays in this collection is their deviation from the
traditional comedia as outlined by
Lope in El arte nuevo de hacer comedias
en este tiempo (The New Art of Writing Comedias
in These Times). Enríquez
de Guzmán’s bawdy comic interludes
mirror the main play’s plot and characters in a parodic way. Contemporary
audiences often only read and/or see the comedia’s
main text, but in the seventeenth century, going to the theater was considered
a full-day activity that included loud music, dances, and entremeses (short interludes). The interludes from this collection,
therefore, offer readers a glimpse into a more accurate experience of the most
popular form of entertainment in early modern Spain. Ana Caro is a well-known
female writer, but Count Partinuplés is not her most popular work. However,
this comedia represents the
improvements in stagecraft that European theater experienced during this time. Finally,
the four loas and the coloquio by Sor Marcela gives readers
insight into this nun’s great literary skills, and, because of the many
specific references to its original context, they shed light into conventual life
and drama.
5>
This collection’s introduction emphasizes the changing role of women in Spanish
theater and society. Despite the uniqueness in styles and themes, all of the
female playwrights’ works had to deal with issues of gender and decorum in a
Catholic society concerned by the concept of masculinity and sex. The
introduction places writing by early modern Spanish women within the broader
context of cultural and economic changes in the society. Since the expected
audience for this collection is a reader familiar with English Renaissance
drama, the introduction draws connections between, for instance, the Spanish
public theaters, the corral de comedias,
and English public theaters like London’s Globe. In addition to a panoramic
view of Golden Age Spanish theater, the introduction highlights the role of
women as writers and consumers in a time when Spain was experiencing great
changes in its economy and urbanization. The shifting rules that regulated
theater was a sign of the anxiety provoked by gender and masculinity’s unstable
conventions in the time when the playwrights of this collection lived.
6>
The introduction and the footnotes create a good balanced background for, on
the one hand, readers who are not familiar with early modern Spanish drama and,
on the other hand, readers who are well-versed but might not be familiar with
the female writers of this time. For more advanced readers, the footnotes
provide information for a deeper independent study in topics such as female
friendship, changing roles of women in early modern European societies, gender issues,
Spanish conventual life, and Spanish nation-building processes.
7> Harley Erdman’s translation
work is outstanding. His translation respects the originality and uniqueness of
the Spanish dramatic verse and forms without making the plays sound antiquated
or domesticated. The footnotes that accompany the plays make important
clarifications about word selection and verse shift, and explanations about jokes
or other allusions that get lost in translation.
8> In summary, Women
Playwrights of Early Modern Spain enhances substantially our understanding
of women’s role in early modern Spanish history and theater, and, therefore, complicates
the relationship between the canon and non-canonical writers. The overview of different sites of theater
and performance (cape and sword drama at the corrales, auto sacramental performances at the palace, and convent
plays) in the introduction contextualize the ten works from this collection
that encompasses distinctive styles and themes. This new monograph, although
directed to English-speaking audiences, can be used in any introductory class
for graduate students interested in broadening the canon to include other
voices of Early Modern European literature. My only criticism is the brevity of
the biographical notes and play analysis. This short length represents, however,
how little we know about these women and their work, and the important work
scholars have to do to unearth their literary voices.
_____
Diana Galarreta-Aima, PhD,
is Spanish Assistant Professor Coordinator of the minor in Medical Spanish, and
Faculty advisor of the JMU MEDLIFE chapter at James Madison University.
_____
APPOSITIONS:
Studies in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
Literature and Culture,
http://appositions.blogspot.com/,
ISSN: 1946-1992,
ISSN: 1946-1992,
Volume Ten (2017): Artefacts
_____
Lyn Bennett: "Trapnel’s Report and Plea"
Lyn Bennett
Book Review
Anna
Trapnel, Anna Trapnel’s Report and Plea;
or, A Narrative of Her Journey from London into Cornwall. Edited by Hilary Hinds.
The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series, Vol. 50, ITER (Toronto, 2016) and
Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Tempe AZ, 2016), 155 +
xvi pp. ISBN: 9780866985581
1> In her introduction
to Anna Trapnel’s Report and Plea,
Hilary Hinds reminds us that Trapnel’s writing lay long dormant “until recent
scholarship rekindled a sense of the fascination and importance of her life and
work.” First published in 1654, Trapnel’s account of her itinerant preaching
through Cornwall and subsequent trial and imprisonment at Bridewell was, Hinds
notes, only one among “six texts authored by her to be published in six years” that,
taken together, suggest something of the extent of “public interest” in the
author and her work (28).
2> Perhaps
best known for her very public twelve-day trance at Whitehall and the resulting
prophecies recorded by an unnamed “relator” and published as The Cry of a Stone in 1654, Trapnel was
a Fifth Monarchy Baptist whose voice was enabled by conditions of publication
dramatically altered over the course of two Civil Wars as well as the singular religious
and political context in which she spoke and wrote. In broad and fine strokes,
Hind’s generous introduction sketches a world very much turned upside down, the
King displaced by the oft-despised Oliver Cromwell, the New Army General and
Lord Protector Trapnel challenged in speech and in print, and a once-united
religion split into a dizzying array of factions and sects. Those factions, as
Hinds explains, included those that divided Baptists who may have been united
in common rejection of infant baptism but were split into Calvinist believers
in predestination (those Particular Baptists that included Trapnel) and
Arminian heretics who upheld the possibility of personal redemption. In this
and other ways, Hinds’ admittedly brief but wide-ranging account of “the
turmoil generated by the unprecedented and fast-moving events” (5) gathers a
perfect storm of Interregnum conditions that signalled for the Fifth
Monarchists an imminent Second Coming and afforded Trapnel a prophetic place
near its center.
3> Unlike the
mediated The Cry of a Stone, which
was in 2000 published in a modern edition also by Hinds, the Report
and Plea is a first-person narrative recounted by Trapnel herself; like the
earlier work, however, Trapnel’s account of her journey and trial stands out
also as the product of a prophet whose role transcended that of “religious
polemicist, political commentator, or biblical exegete” (10). In the earlier
prophecies, Trapnel speaks not in slavish imitation of the Scripture on which The Cry of a Stone heavily draws, but in
highly rhetorical and imaginative re-visioning of its most cryptic Book of
Revelations. Hinds likewise notes an equally “striking” use of “linguistic
resources” evident not only in the Report
and Plea’s abundance of biblical imagery but, fittingly enough for the
self-proclaimed daughter of a shipwright hailing from Stepney Parish east of
London, also in the frequent invocation of “nautical metaphor to flesh out a
spiritual point.” Reading the later narrative as more than an historical
artifact of personal biography and “religious life” (12), Hinds does well to
underscore its interest as a literary text.
4> It is not only
in Scripture’s “sweet unfoldings” (99) or in Christ’s “bowels of compassion”
(97) that Trapnel’s authorial voice proves lively and inventive. Including accounts
of what she observed as she walked “in a curious garden” (55) and elsewhere
outdoors, what she experienced in her arrest and transportation back to London,
and what she suffered from the dreadful sickness that befell her during her imprisonment
at Bridewell, Trapnel’s narrative does much to convey the richness of lived
experience. That she sometimes recounts details as small as what she ate, from
the fasting “draught of small beer or cider” and the occasional “little piece
of toast” (100) that appear also in The
Cry of a Stone, to the “piece of pie” (105) she brought from Plymouth and
consumed on the way to Portsmouth, further attests to her attentiveness as a
storyteller. Transforming the literal into the figurative in describing, for
example, the fragility of “partridge eggs of the largest kind” transported by
an accompanying Lieutenant and bound as a gift to Cromwell (105), and later
invoking those “eggs that are subject to rot or to break before they come to be
large partridges” as antithetical to the grace conferred upon the elect by the
“great Jehovah” and “his son Christ” (108), she also reveals more than a
modicum of poetic sensibility and argumentative sense. Finding and using the
available mean of persuasion in fashioning a script uniquely her own, Trapnel
recognizes possibility in the tool she uses; like every cognizant rhetor, however,
she is also aware of its “dangerous ambiguity” and the corollary necessity
that, as Hinds puts it, language – like those fragile eggs – is “always to be
handled with care” (26-27).
5> Suggesting
something of the knowledge yet to be gleaned from an already-fascinating text, Hinds’
introduction is complemented by extensive explanatory notes offering scriptural
cross-references and detailed explanations of legal proceedings as well as
information about the people Trapnel encountered and the places she traveled. Including
some relevant contemporary texts, the appended bibliography also provides
references to secondary works whose number is necessarily limited by a body of scholarship
that, Hinds explains, is of “such quantity now that it is no longer possible to
do full justice to all who have contributed to it” (31). Indeed, Hinds’ edition
of The Cry of a Stone has surely done
much to encourage interest in Trapnel’s long-overlooked corpus, and her work on
the Report and Plea will likely prove
even more timely and relevant to an audience of diverse interests. The volume
would serve well as an assigned text for upper-level undergraduate and graduate
students of literature, history, gender, politics, religion, and women’s studies,
and will be a welcome addition to the libraries of established scholars. As
with the other titles so far included in The
Toronto Series, Anna Trapnel’s Report
and Plea is a high-quality volume certain to endure intellectually,
academically, and materially.
_____
Associate
Professor at Dalhousie University, Lyn
Bennett teaches classes in rhetoric, writing, and early modern literature.
She has recently published in the Journal of Medical Humanities,
and her monograph, Rhetoric, Medicine, and the Woman Writer, 1600-1700,
is forthcoming with Cambridge University Press. She is currently working on a
grant-funded collaborative project titled Early Modern Maritime Recipes.
_____
APPOSITIONS:
Studies
in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
Literature and Culture,
_____
Susan Broomhall: "The Misfortunes of Love"
Susan Broomhall
Book Review
Claudine-Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin, Memoirs
of the Count of Comminge and The Misfortunes of Love. Edited
and translated by Jonathan D. Walsh. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The
Toronto Series, Vol. 48, ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval
and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016), 147 + xiv
pp. ISBN: 9780866985543
1> This volume brings together two of Claudine-Alexandrine de Tencin’s prose
works, the Memoirs of the Count of Comminge (1735) and her last novel, The
Misfortunes of Love (1747). Both were published anonymously during the
lifetime of their author, a remarkable interlocutor within the social and
political scene in Paris whose tumultuous and passionate life surely inspired
some of the reflections on particularly female feeling forms, modes of
affective expression, and opportunities for emotional experience with which
these two works are fundamentally engaged.
2> Strong
passions underpin the Memoirs, which
narrate the ill-fated love of cousins, Adélaïde de Lussan and the Comte, whose
father has sworn eternal hatred for his brother, and whose perspective and
feelings the reader follows through various unlikely scenarios of the roman d’aventure. The love that binds
these protagonists is felt and expressed primarily as suffering. Its experience
is not found in the joy of marriage but in commitment to a particular form of torment
and grief that drives decisions to choose other partners and retreat to remote environments
such as the monastery. It is an agony for and of love, for example, that sees
Adélaïde chose to watch in silence (while disguised as a fellow monk) over the
anguished Comte rather than reveal herself as the lover that he believes he has
lost to the grave.
3> The
Misfortunes of Love, as the title indicates, works over a similar theme but
through the viewpoints of three women, in a sophisticated framework of
interwoven voices and connected experiences. Although distinguished by their
class, the wealthy heiress Pauline, the nun Eugénie and the jailer’s daughter,
Hippolyte, nonetheless share stories of the betrayal, loss, forgiveness and
friendships forged by destructive love and acceptance of marital duty. Forceful
passion can be disastrous, Tencin’s work suggests, but love can also be
indulged, perhaps even enjoyed, as suffering, and directed into binding commitments
in the form of deep and fulfilling companionship.
4> Tencin published
at least one other novel, Le Siège de
Calais, and is considered the possible author of several other contemporary
works (although Walsh does not explore these suggestions in his Introduction). Read
together, the particular two novels that he has chosen to translate in this
edition form logical counterparts and offer valuable counterpoints. Neither are
set in the contemporary world of Tencin, yet both explore challenges for, and
cults of, emotional expression of both men and women very much of her time.
5> One might, therefore, expect pointed commentary
on contemporary social and moral strictures of love for men and women from this
leading salonnière. However, neither
historical nor socio-political contexts matter much to these texts, in which
focus and action is thoroughly contained to the experience of a feeling self.
Its narrative is not the implausible plot but the trajectory of how love can be
experienced within a particular feeling self, as an evolving intellectual and
bodily practice of pleasure and pain, even pleasure in pain, and in relation to
decisions and actions that love, in its various forms, motivates. Where Tencin
does offer innovation, certainly, is in depicting an emotional and affective
journey that is accessible to any feeling self, male or female, and of any
class: these are indeed ‘other voices’ in the literature of her time.
6> These are
texts that draw readers into an imagined and felt community of empathy—readers,
much like the friends and allies within the stories, are people who are
uniquely sensible to feel with the protagonists. Both this readerly pact of
sensibility and the works’ exploration of sentiment evidently captured the mood
of the reading public through the Ancien Regime and into the early nineteenth
century. Abbé Prevost claimed that the Memoirs
would be read by ‘everyone with taste’ in his review in Le Pour et contre (vol. 7, 1735, p. 292), even if he was less
convinced by the ‘bizarre conclusion’ and strength of feeling (or ‘passion’)
between the lovers. Popular with the fashionable set, the works were widely
translated and even adapted into theatre pieces at the end of the eighteenth
century.
7> Walsh
highlights the generic conventions in which Tencin’s works can be located, the ‘cult of
suffering’ in which they participate, and her protagonists’ spaces for feeling,
including the monastery and wilderness, which anticipate the gothic. He
situates Tencin’s work primarily within contemporary emotional practices of
literary men, most notably Prevost (about whose Cleveland Walsh is currently preparing a study for publication). In
doing so, he perhaps misses an opportunity to articulate thoroughly what the
female author working within a tradition of the historical novel that was then
dominated by women, might bring to that conversation. The Introduction offers
most to those who are already aware of the conventions and contributions of
that literature. In that sense, readers who come to the works for the first
time here may struggle with the scholarly apparatus that surrounds the
translations. The preface that precedes Walsh’s Introduction, by leading Tencin
editor and scholar Michel Delon (translated here by Walsh), proceeds even more
so than the Introduction from assumptions of readers’ deep familiarity with the
works.
8> At a
first reading, then, one might be persuaded of Prevost’s opinion, that these
works are well written, albeit somewhat ‘sterile’, pieces in the French
classical style (he intended the Memoirs).
However, a deep appreciation of Tencin’s complex exploration of the misfortunes
of love, misfortunes capable of both pleasure and pain, is the reward of repeated,
careful engagement with these works. Walsh’s translations and commentary enable
Tencin’s voice to be heard in a growing scholarly conversation about gender,
genre and emotions in literary culture and reader experience.
_____
Professor
Susan Broomhall is an Australian Research Council Future Fellow at
The University of Western Australia and was a Foundation Chief Investigator in
the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for the History of
Emotions. She is author of various studies of women’s writings, emotions and
experiences in early modern Europe, particularly France. She is currently
working on a monograph on emotions and power in the correspondence of Catherine
de Medici.
_____
APPOSITIONS:
Studies
in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
Literature and Culture,
http://appositions.blogspot.com/,
ISSN: 1946-1992,
ISSN: 1946-1992,
Volume
Ten (2017): Artefacts
_____
Elisabeth C. Davis: "Mother Juana de la Cruz"
Elisabeth C. Davis
Book Review
Mother Juana de la Cruz, Visionary Sermons (1481-1534). Edited by
Jessica A. Boon and Ronald E. Surtz. Translated by Ronald E. Surtz and
Nora Weinerth. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series, Vol.
47, ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance
Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016), 243 pp. ISBN:
9780866985499
1> In the past thirty or so years,
the historiography on women’s religiosity in the medieval and early modern periods
has come into its own. Beginning with Caroline Walker Bynum’s landmark texts on
women, their bodies, and religion, historians have teased out the various ways
religious women interpreted their beliefs and acted within Catholic society. These
texts not only include intriguing historical theses by the monoliths of
history, including Natalie Davis and Barbara Diefendorf, but also exquisite
primary source collections. It is into the latter group that Jessica Boon’s and
Ronald E. Surtz’s Mother Juana de la
Cruz, 1481-1534, Visionary Sermons enters.
2> I will not deny that when I pick
up a collection of primary sources, I long to read to the sources first, rather
than the introduction. While I value the time it has taken the editors to
compile a collection, I want the cake, as it were, rather than just the icing. Yet,
Jessica Boon’s introduction to de la Cruz’s sermons justifies the wait. Her
introduction is beautifully written and diligently researched by someone who
obviously has a passion for the topic.
3> Part of my deep admiration for
this collection comes from the Boon’s emphasis on expanding the timeline of
medieval visionary literature. While Boon admirably describes the literature of
“Spanish Renaissance,” she explicitly writes that her and Surtz’s goal is to
“expand the canon of medieval vision literature…to include these Renaissance
Castillian visionary sermons” (8). This elongated timeline of visionary literature
challenges the more traditional timelines in the historiography of medieval and
Renaissance Europe that have strict cut off dates, with the Renaissance
beginning in 1450. Boon’s and Surtz’s desire to place de la Cruz’s work in
conversation with medieval literature forces scholars to look beyond the
arbitrary dates that divide the different periods in history, literature, and
religion to the longer trends that unite them.
4> Boon and Surtz also challenge
historians to focus on larger geographical connections within these two periods.
Spanish history tends to be isolated within the larger fields of medieval and
early modern studies. Students of history, literature, and religion are more
likely to take a general course on the medieval or early modern periods that
focuses on France, Italy, and England, rather than including Spain within these
narratives. By placing de la Cruzs’s work within the interlocking circles of
the Spanish Renaissance and medieval and Renaissance literature, the editors of
this collection call upon professional scholars to widen their horizons to
include Spain within a broader European mindset, rather than leaving it to its
own devices.
5> Historiographical implications
aside, one of the most profound aspects of Boon’s introduction is her analysis
of the sermons themselves. Boon’s introduction rightly situates de la Cruz’s
sermons as straddling Bernard McGinnis’s Foundations
of Mysticism and Bynum’s classic works. By using McGinnis to analyze de la
Cruz, Boon reminders the reader of how the public would have responded to the sermons.
As she notes, these sermons would have been spoken aloud, intended for a larger
audience rather than only the literate. Indeed, she suggests that de la Cruz
meant her sermons to inspire visionary or mystic experiences within each of her
audience members. Despite this stimulating suggestion, Boon does not continue with
her line of thought, placing it at the end of her introduction, rather than
centering her introduction on it. She leaves her readers wondering how de la
Cruz intended the performance of the sermons and whether the performance aspect
of the visionary sermons was a part of a larger trend in Renaissance Spain.
6> The meat of Boon’s introduction emphasizes what we might call the gender bending of de la Cruz’s sermons. Like Bynum’s older works, Boon analyzes how de la Cruz played with the gender binary, drawing from both feminine and masculine imagery in her attempts not only to connect her readers with the divine but also to understand it herself. Given that it has been nearly thirty years since Bynum first proposed these ideas, it is rather unsurprising for a scholar to illustrate medieval mystics defying traditional gender pairings. Boon’s analysis may be uninspiring but it is well done, with Boon fleshing out specific details within her larger arguments. Moreover, given her desire to bring de la Cruz into a medieval visionary dialogue, it is justifiable that she would draw upon the Bynum for inspiration.
6> The meat of Boon’s introduction emphasizes what we might call the gender bending of de la Cruz’s sermons. Like Bynum’s older works, Boon analyzes how de la Cruz played with the gender binary, drawing from both feminine and masculine imagery in her attempts not only to connect her readers with the divine but also to understand it herself. Given that it has been nearly thirty years since Bynum first proposed these ideas, it is rather unsurprising for a scholar to illustrate medieval mystics defying traditional gender pairings. Boon’s analysis may be uninspiring but it is well done, with Boon fleshing out specific details within her larger arguments. Moreover, given her desire to bring de la Cruz into a medieval visionary dialogue, it is justifiable that she would draw upon the Bynum for inspiration.
7> Apart from Boon’s thoughtful
introduction, I was struck by the beauty and sophistication of Ronald E. Surtz’s
and Nora Weinerth’s translation work. It is difficult to do a basic
translation, let alone one in a historical dialect. Yet Surtz and Weinerth have
managed to maintain the lyrical, poetic quality of de la Cruz’s sermons. When
putting these sermons in the context of Boon’s emphasis on their performance
quality, the reader gains a sense of why they appealed to early modern
audiences. Not only is Surtz’s and Weinerth’s translation remarkable, but the
annotations within the sermons are commendable. These comments, which provide
Biblical verses and explain imagery, are particular time savers for students,
or even professionals, studying the sermons within a limited amount of time.
8> Despite my continuing praise for
this collection, I would have liked more on the structure of the collection,
particularly why the editors organized the sermons the way they did. Boon and
Surtz outline each individual sermon in its introduction, giving readers, an
overview of the upcoming text. Yet, they do not explain the collected order of
the sermons themselves. Does this order reflect the original publication? Is it
different? If so, why? There is always some symbolism behind the structure of a
collected edition. In this case, that symbolism is a secret that the editors hold
close.
9> In all, Mother Juana de la Cruz, 1481-1534, Visionary Sermons is an excellent
addition to the library of any scholar of the medieval or early modern
historian period. It is also a valuable edition for those who wish to teach an
introductory course on these two periods; women in the pre-modern world; or
medieval/early modern Christianity. Like de la Cruz’s work, it is has enough
layers of meanings to appeal not only to upper division undergraduates but also
to professional scholars.
_____
Elisabeth C. Davis is a doctoral
candidate in the history department at the University at Buffalo. Her work
focuses on the role of the nuns in society. Her research ranges from
Merovingian queen saints in medieval France, to nuns in the seventeenth century
Europe, to the Ursulines in colonial Quebec. She is currently working on her
dissertation, which analyzes nuns in nineteenth century America.
_____
APPOSITIONS:
Studies
in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
Literature and Culture,
http://appositions.blogspot.com/,
ISSN: 1946-1992,
ISSN: 1946-1992,
Volume
Ten (2017): Artefacts
_____
Jeanette Fregulia: "Letters to Her Sons"
Jeanette
M. Fregulia
Book
Review
Alessandra Macinghi Strozzi, Letters to Her Sons
(1447-1470).
Edited by Judith Bryce. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto
Series, Vol. 46, ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and
Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016), 294 + xvi pp.
ISBN: 9780866985482
1>
With this first complete English translation of the seventy-three letters
penned by Alessandra Strozzi (c. 1406-1471), editor and translator Judith Bryce
provides more than just a much-anticipated contribution to the study of women’s
writing in the early modern era. With this collection, Bryce also opens a
window into the daily lives of women. Alessandra Strozzi, a widow from the
city’s mercantile patriciate, may be considered exceptional. To be sure, she
grew up in a prosperous family. More importantly, she received an education
that made possible her membership in a small but diverse group of female
writers in early modernity that included Margherita Datini (1360-1423), who
left behind over two hundred letters to her husband, the famed merchant
Francesco Datini, as well as a contemporary of Alessandra, Lucrezia Tournabuoni
(1427-1482). That she was literate also meant that Alessandra could write for
herself all that she wished to convey about her life in Florence to her sons,
living far away in cities such as Barcelona, Bruges, and Naples. A careful
reading of Alessandra’s correspondence, offered with clarity, precision, and
heart, also opens a window into the personal world of women who could not write
for themselves, or whose writings have since been lost to time, making Bryce’s
work not just a contribution to the study of women’s literary practices but
also to the history of women more generally, giving a voice to the shared
fears, joys, and trails that filled their daily lives. Perhaps the best example
of this is Alessandra’s reply to the news that her youngest son, Matteo, had
died while living with his brothers Filippo and Lorenzo in Naples. Writing of
“the sorrow and anguish I felt on the death of my sweet young son,” (85) a
death that would grieve Alessandra for the rest of her life.
2>
Married while still in her teens to Matteo Strozzi, son of one of Florence’s
leading mercantile families, Alessandra’s time as a wife would prove short,
only thirteen years, ending in sadness. The first challenge came in 1434, when
her husband Matteo was exiled to Pesaro, a town along Italy’s Adriatic coast,
by Cosimo de’ Medici (1389-1464), founder of the Medici political dynasty. A
short time after her husband’s departure from Florence, Alessandra took the couple’s
seven children and joined him in exile. Less than a year after their arrival, a
bout of plague struck Pesaro, taking the lives of her husband and three of
their children, leaving Alessandra, who was again pregnant, a widow. Following
this loss of her husband, Alessandra and her surviving children returned to
Florence. Without a father, Alessandra looked to her late husband’s cousins to
help her two surviving oldest sons, Filippo and Lorenzo, make their fortunes.
The brothers would be joined later, much to Alessandra’s dismay, by their
youngest brother, Matteo, the child with who Alessandra was pregnant at the
time of her husband’s death (11).
3>
Making an important contribution to the series, The Other Voice in Early Modern
Europe, this translation of Alessandra Strozzi’s personal correspondence
invites a broad readership of students and scholars, from those seeking a
deeper understanding of the epistolary practices of women in fifteenth century
Italy, to anyone curious about familial relations, particularly between mother
and sons, as there is no surviving evidence of Alessandra ever having written
to her daughters. This does not necessarily mean that Alessandra was not close
to her daughters Caterina and Alessandra, as indeed it is likely that she was. Not
only did both girls live in Florence after their marriages, but it was their
mother who played an important role in ensuring that her daughters married
within their family’s social network. News of the marriage of eldest is the
very first letter of Alessandra’s letters, dated 24 August 1447, in which she
writes to her son Filippo, then living in Naples that “our Caterina” was wed to
Marco Parenti, a “well-to-do” silk merchant (29). This is not the only mention
of the daughters, and suggests not only Alessandra’s presence in their lives
but also her wish that her sons be kept informed about the lives of their
sisters. Throughout the letters, readers will also find evidence of the trials
of widowhood and the sadness of a mother whose sons live far away, information
about the social, economic, and political world of fifteenth century Italy,
including the relaying of important news, such as the death of Cosimo de’
Medici, a part of Letter 36 in September 1464, and the arrival of yet another
recurrence of the plague in March 1463, (see letter 28).
4>
Far more than just a series of letters, Judith Bryce embraces the challenges of
translation, and while her own work is based primarily on the original 1877
Italian publication of the letters edited by Cesare Guasti (still available
both online and in print), Bryce brings her own fresh new translation of a
woman speaking for herself, as the majority of the letters she wrote herself.
The best examples of Alessandra’s voice include notes on illness, in which she
despairs also of “really getting old,” (letter 2, 34), to her ongoing quest to
find a suitable wife for her eldest son Filippo, who seems in no hurry to
leaved bachelorhood behind, as evidenced in Letter 52. In this letter,
Alessandra extols merits, and perhaps for the sake of honesty also hints at the
less desirable qualities, of Caterina Tanagli, described by Alessandra as
“attractive and has a good figure” While Alessandra continues that Caterina’s
“face is not one of those very beautiful ones (it) isn’t out of keeping with
the rest of her; and she’ll turn out beautiful” (177). This same letter reveals
more than just Alessandra’s desire to see her son married, it also suggests
that there was more to consider in a match than dowry, although Caterina’s
reported one-thousand florin dowry hardly made her a pauper. Alessandra seems
to be equally concerned with the prospective bride’s appearance, illustrating
that during the Renaissance marriage was not, necessarily, exclusively about
economic, political, and/or social gain.
5>
In addition to arranging marriages, mourning death, and passing along
information about the happenings in the city of Florence, Alessandra’s letters
reveal that she managed some her own financial matters, including contemplating
selling some land she owned to afford the tax on it (80). In this same letter,
number 16, we find in Alessandra more than just a doting mother, but also one
capable of chastising. Indeed, she begins this letter of 27 July 1459 to
Filippo in Naples with her dismay that he had not replied to her previous
letter “as quickly as I would have liked” (80).
6>
For all that Alessandra Strozzi was out of the ordinary in terms of her
abilities to read, write, and likely to complete simple math, she was also very
much a woman of fifteenth century Florence who looked mostly to her sons, and
at times her son-in-law, Marco Parenti, married to her daughter Caterina for
assistance with financial and family matters. Tempting as it might be to
dismiss Alessandra’s important for feminist scholarship, specifically because
she wrote exclusively to her sons, this would unfortunate. When thinking about
Alessandra’s place in history, it is important to keep in mind that neither
women nor men can be understood outside of the historic context in which they lived.
Despite some legal rights, including most importantly remittance of their dowry
upon widowhood, women did not have the same standing as men under the law. This
does not mean, however, that women such as Alessandra were powerless. As the
letters reveal, she arranged marriages for her daughters, and eventually her
two surviving sons, and she assisted some of the business transactions of
Filippo and Lorenzo as they were not in Florence. Thus, readers of her
correspondence should be mindful of the need to keep in mind the limitations
that Alessandra’s fifteenth century world placed upon her, and the gendered
perspectives that would have informed her writing.
7>
On one final note, I would call attention to the extensive notes that Bryce
provides with each letter. These can be helpful in understanding the larger
context, or gaining additional information, without interfering with the
letters themselves. Students and scholars will find within the letters great
insights into the lives of women, familial relations, and complexities of life
in fifteenth century Florence. Bryce must be commended for making Alessandra
and her world accessible to those who do not read Italian, allowing Alessandra
Strozzi to be heard on her own terms.
_____
Jeanette M. Fregulia is Associate Professor of History at Carroll College in Helena,
Montana. She holds an MA in Middle East Studies from the University of London
and a PhD in Renaissance History from the University of Nevada, Reno. Her
research interests center on women, commerce, and trade in early modern Italy
and the Mediterranean.
_____
APPOSITIONS:
Studies
in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
Literature and Culture,
http://appositions.blogspot.com/,
ISSN: 1946-1992,
ISSN: 1946-1992,
Volume
Ten (2017): Artefacts
_____
Kelly Peebles: "From the Queen of Navarre"
Kelly D. Peebles
Book Review
Jeanne d’Albret, Letters from the Queen of Navarre with an
Ample Declaration. Edited and
translated by Kathleen M. Llewellyn, Emily E. Thompson, and Colette H. Winn.
The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series,
Vol. 43, ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance
Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016), 116 pp. ISBN: 9780866985451
“Among
an infinite number of examples of suffering, humiliation, and dishonor that
they inflicted on [my husband], I will recount one here, which, if it were
fiction would need a poet to depict it well, and if it were of little
consequence, would need an orator to color it. But the naked truth of this
tragicomedy provides its own ornament.”
—Jeanne d’Albret, Ample
Declaration (53)
1>
Writing six years after the death of her husband, Antoine de Bourbon, Jeanne
d’Albret seeks to rehabilitate his memory and her reputation by exposing the
pernicious machinations of her chief nemeses at the French court, François de
Guise and his brother, the Cardinal de Lorraine.[1] In
her Ample Declaration, a collection
of letters followed by an explanation of their content first printed in 1569,
the author sets up a premise of truthfulness. In addition to the declaration
above, Jeanne frequently peppers her text with affirmations of its veracity: “I
truly know,” “you have witnessed,” “I [...] explain in my letters,” “you can
see from this,” “everyone knows,” “there I pointed out,” “as God is my
witness,” (43, 50, 51, 53, 57, 69). There are many such examples.
2>
A decade earlier, Jeanne had been instrumental in the posthumous printing of a book
written by her mother, Marguerite de Navarre (20). In the prologue to the Heptaméron, Marguerite’s collection of
tales first printed in 1558, the author sets up a specific set of rules that
each of ten storytellers will follow: the tales will be truthful, based solely
on eyewitness testimony or heard from a trustworthy source, and they will be
devoid of “rhetorical ornament,” so as to avoid bending the truth. By telling
“the unadulterated truth,” each storyteller illustrates a life lesson, many of
which focus on religious, political, and familial devotion, often critiquing social
practices or exposing corruption in the church.[2] While
Jeanne publicly declared her Calvinist faith in December of 1560, Marguerite
never formally broke with the Catholic church. However, she played an essential
role in promoting early church reform in France and in protecting those fleeing
religious persecution, including John Calvin.[3]
3>
Although the Ample Declaration is a
very different type of work from her mother’s writings, Jeanne also sets out to
demonstrate her devotion to God, to the French king, and to her family lineage,
three preoccupations of which she reminds the reader nearly as often as her
truthfulness. To that end, Jeanne exposes corruption at the French court, plots
that rendered difficult her devotion and harmed (or threatened to harm) the
objects thereof. Thus, the works of mother and daughter have much in common
despite their differences. As Kathleen Llewellyn, Emily Thompson, and Colette
Winn convincingly point out in their introduction, Jeanne relies both on
epistolary diplomacy to pacify and to make requests of her interlocutors (the
king, the queen mother, the king’s brother, her brother-in-law, and the queen
of England), and on literary conventions associated with the still-popular
genre of the novella. While she eschews all poetic and rhetorical ornament, her
manner of narrating intercalated stories and reproducing the atmosphere of oral
storytelling is an effective strategy for “dramatizing events and structuring
them into narrative modules.” What this does is provide a “mnemonic evocation
of specific historical moments” (21). In other words, Jeanne manipulates the familiar
story-telling and organizational practices of the novella (practices used in
her mother’s Heptaméron) in order to
ease her readers into understanding the events leading up to 1568 and persuade
them to accept her decision to leave Navarre for the Protestant stronghold of
La Rochelle.
4>
This was a complicated situation. But just as Jeanne guides her reader through
events in her Ample Declaration, so
do the editors guide us through the historical context in their highly
approachable, ample introduction of 35 pages. Approximately half of that space is
devoted to situating Jeanne's work within of the years leading up to the Third
War of Religion (1568-1570). At the time, the heads of the most prominent noble
families were pitted one against another as they jockeyed for power and sought
to realize their religious and political ambitions. Charles IX of the reigning Valois
family sought to stabilize his reign and pacify factions. Jeanne’s husband Antoine
sought to regain lost territory and ensure the place of his son (the future
Henri IV) at court. Because of this, his religious faith turned in the
direction of the political winds, or as Jeanne puts it, “he embrac[ed] the
ephemeral at the expense of the everlasting” (51). The staunch Catholic François
de Guise, whose niece, Mary, Queen of Scots, was the widow of the recently
deceased François II, fiercely protected his favored position and influence at
the French court and, according to Jeanne, plotted to assassinate her husband
and his Bourbon brothers. But the wives, mothers, and daughters of these men
also played central roles in the religious, political, and literary life at
court: Catherine de’ Medici (mother of Charles IX and regent), Anne d’Este
(wife of François de Guise and daughter of the Protestant-leaning Renée de
France), and Catherine de Bourbon (daughter of Antoine and Jeanne), to name but
a few.
5>
The great interest of Jeanne’s Ample
Declaration, which the editors carefully highlight, is the insight that it
gives us into just what types of roles these women played. Indeed, as is the
goal of this series, this volume highlights an “other voice,” one that has not
yet received the same scholarly attention as her male counterparts. However, Winn,
Llewellyn, and Thompson show us the relevance of Jeanne’s work for students and
scholars of a variety of disciplines. In addition to their discussion of how
Jeanne constructed her image via epistolary correspondence and organized and
presented that information using practices associated with the novella, which
will interest literary students and scholars, the editors also discuss the
influence of religious polemic and memoirs in the second half of their
introduction (14-35), which may pique the interest of historians. We learn, for
example, that just as Protestant polemic, the Ample Declaration “was designed to sway the emerging public opinion
and vilify Catholics while rehabilitating the image of Protestants” (27).
Memoirs serve a similar function, for at the time, “the memoirist aimed either
to bring to light certain truths by relating events personally witnessed or to
inform posterity of an injustice committed against the author.” As the editors
point out, “Jeanne writes with both objectives in mind” (31). And indeed, they
do an admirable job of discussing the polyvalent nature of Jeanne’s work and
suggesting ways to mine the text that are pertinent to various areas of
specialization.
6>
The critical apparatus of this volume benefits greatly from each editor’s area
of scholarly expertise. My only quibble concerns treatment of both primary and
secondary sources in the bibliography. While the list of secondary sources is comprehensive,
spanning religious history and literature, additional references to French Calvinism
and the Wars of Religion would have been useful to the reader, such as, for
example, the work of historians Hugues Daussy and Raymond Mentzer. The editors
identify which edition of the letters and Ample
Declaration on which they base their translation (a 1570 compilation titled
Histoire de nostre temps, contenant un
recueil des choses mémorables passées & publiées pour le faict de la
religion & estat de France depuis l’edict de la pacification du 23 Jour de
mars, jusqu’au present), but they do not identify which sixteenth-century
copies they were able to consult, nor do they indicate where to find other
sixteenth-century primary sources listed in the bibliography. As they note in
the introduction, one may find sixteenth-century primary sources on the USTC
(Universal Short Title Catalog), and while this is an extremely useful resource,
USTC entries do not always account for digitized source texts. This quibble is
admittedly minor, and it is important to point out that the critical apparatus of
this volume is far superior to that of the 2007 French-language edition.[4] In
this 2016 English-language edition, generous footnotes gloss important figures
and place names, explain complex political and administrative practices,
untangle family relationships, clarify chronological ambiguities, and point the
reader to relevant background reading. The translation itself is artfully done.
It reads fluidly and manages to capture the “feel” of the original French while
at the same time rearranging syntax or modernizing the vocabulary when
necessary to transfer the message effectively. Within the translation, the
editors indicate the pagination of their source text with square brackets, which
greatly facilitates comparison with the original French for those who are able
to access a copy of the 1570 edition. Following the translation are a brief
chronology of events spanning the period of 1559-1572, several genealogical
tables (Valois, Bourbon, and Guise families), and maps indicating Jeanne’s
territories at the time of her Ample Declaration.
Students, instructors, and scholars of sixteenth-century French history,
literature, culture, and gender studies will want to have a copy of this book on
their shelf.
_____
Notes:
[1] For a detailed study of their ambitions and machinations,
see Stuart Carroll, Martyrs &
Murderers: The Guise Family and the Making of Europe (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2009).
[2] Marguerite de Navarre, The Heptameron, trans. Paul Chilton
(London: Penguin, 2004), 68-70.
[3] For further contextual information on Marguerite de Navarre
and her network, Jonathan Reid’s two-volume biography is an important resource.
King’s Sister – Queen of Dissent:
Marguerite of Navarre (1492-1549) and her Evangelical Network (Leiden:
Brill, 2009). Those considering adopting this volume in a course may also find inspiration
in Approaches to Teaching Marguerite de
Navarre’s Heptaméron, ed. Colette Winn (New York: MLA, 2007).
[4] Bernard Berdou d’Aas, ed. Jeanne d’Albret reine de Navarre et vicomtesse de Béarn. Lettres
suivies d’une Ample Déclaration (Biarritz: Atlantica, 2007).
_____
Kelly
D. Peebles is
Associate Professor of French at Clemson University. She is the editor and
translator of Jeanne Flore’s Tales and Trials of Love, vol. 33 of The
Other Voice in Early Modern Europe (CRRS / Iter, 2014), and has articles
forthcoming in the Journal of Medical Humanities and Women
in French.
_____
APPOSITIONS:
Studies
in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
Literature and Culture,
http://appositions.blogspot.com/,
ISSN: 1946-1992,
ISSN: 1946-1992,
Volume
Ten (2017): Artefacts
_____
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