Showing posts with label Reviews. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Reviews. Show all posts

Wednesday, August 16, 2017

* * * REVIEWS * * *


APPOSITIONS:
Studies in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature & Culture
ISSN: 1946-1992

VOLUME TEN (2017):
ARTEFACTS


REVIEWS:

Diana Galarreta-Aima, James Madison University, review of
Feliciana Enríquez de Guzmán, Ana Caro Mallén, and Sor Marcela de San Félix, Women Playwrights of Early Modern Spain. Edited by Nieves Romero-Díaz and Lisa Vollendorf. Translated and annotated by Harley Erdman. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).

Lyn Bennett, Dalhousie University, review of
Anna Trapnel, Anna Trapnel’s Report and Plea; or, A Narrative of Her Journey from London into Cornwall. Edited by Hilary Hinds. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).

Susan Broomhall, University of Western Australia, review of
Claudine-Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin, Memoirs of the Count of Comminge and The Misfortunes of Love. Edited and translated by Jonathan D. Walsh. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).

Elisabeth C. Davis, University at Buffalo, review of
Mother Juana de la Cruz, Visionary Sermons (1481-1534). Edited by Jessica A. Boon and Ronald E. Surtz. Translated by Ronald E. Surtz and Nora Weinerth. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).

Jeanette M. Fregulia, Carroll College, review of
Alessandra Macinghi Strozzi, Letters to Her Sons (1447-1470). Edited and translated by Judith Bryce. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).

Kelly D. Peebles, Clemson University, review of
Jeanned’Albret, Letters from the Queen of Navarre with an Ample Declaration. Edited and translated by Kathleen M. Llewellyn, Emily E. Thompson, and Colette H. Winn. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).

Carole Slade, Columbia University, review of
María Vela y Cueto, Autobiography and Letters of a Spanish Nun. Edited by Susan Diane Laningham. Translated by Jane Tar. ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016).


APPOSITIONS:
Studies in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature & Culture
ISSN: 1946-1992

VOLUME TEN (2017):
ARTEFACTS

Diana Galarreta-Aima: "Women Playwrights"


Diana Galarreta-Aima

Book Review

Feliciana Enríquez de Guzmán, Ana Caro Mallén, and Sor Marcela de San Félix, Women Playwrights of Early Modern Spain. Edited by Nieves Romero-Díaz and Lisa Vollendorf. Translated and annotated by Harley Erdman. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series, Vol. 49, ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016), 272 + xii pp. ISBN: 9780866985567

1> By providing an English translation of the works of three female playwrights of Golden Age Spain who lived and wrote between 1569 and 1687, Women Playwrights of Early Modern Spain seeks to revise the canon of Spanish drama, bringing to light the importance of female writers in seventeenth-century Spain’s changing society and theater. This book is part of a larger project, the “Other Voice” in Early Modern Europe, which has brought to light texts otherwise forgotten or overlooked.  This first-ever English translation will be of great interest to scholars and students of theater, gender, and conventual life in Golden Age Spain.

2> This collection is divided into a succinct introduction to early modern Spanish theater (including a table of known women playwrights in Iberia and Ibero-America from 1500 to 1750); a note on the translations that explains the unique features of the Golden Age Spanish dramatic verse, and the reasons for some translation liberties in word-selection and rhyme scheme; biographical notes, select bibliography, plot summary and short analysis before each play; and a final bibliography that includes editions of the works translated in the volume.

3> Nieves Romero-Diaz and Lisa Vollendorf explain that the playwrights featured in their volume were chosen “for diversity of audience, genre and style they represent” (1). Notably, the plays in this collection have never been translated into English or any other language, which is an important goal of this text. The first work are the four interludes of the best-known two-part play of Feliciana Enríquez de Guzmán, Tragicomedy of the Sheban Gardens and Fields. The decision of selecting a minor genre, the Spanish comedia’s interlude, by the first female playwright to write for the Spanish public stage, is not a coincidence: it introduces readers to a minor but important genre of Spanish theater, and also gives a glimpse into a female writer’s incursion into the more playful side of theater. The second work is Ana Caro Mallén’s Count Partinuplés that features a strong female character, Rosaura, who challenges gender norms, devising a complex scheme to choose her own husband. The last works were written by one of Lope de Vega’s daughter (the most important playwright of Golden Age Spanish theater), Sor Marcela de San Félix. Her work represents the female literary talent found within the convent walls in early modern Spain.

4> One common element of the plays in this collection is their deviation from the traditional comedia as outlined by Lope in El arte nuevo de hacer comedias en este tiempo (The New Art of Writing Comedias in These Times). Enríquez de Guzmán’s bawdy comic interludes mirror the main play’s plot and characters in a parodic way. Contemporary audiences often only read and/or see the comedia’s main text, but in the seventeenth century, going to the theater was considered a full-day activity that included loud music, dances, and entremeses (short interludes). The interludes from this collection, therefore, offer readers a glimpse into a more accurate experience of the most popular form of entertainment in early modern Spain. Ana Caro is a well-known female writer, but Count Partinuplés is not her most popular work. However, this comedia represents the improvements in stagecraft that European theater experienced during this time. Finally, the four loas and the coloquio by Sor Marcela gives readers insight into this nun’s great literary skills, and, because of the many specific references to its original context, they shed light into conventual life and drama.

5> This collection’s introduction emphasizes the changing role of women in Spanish theater and society. Despite the uniqueness in styles and themes, all of the female playwrights’ works had to deal with issues of gender and decorum in a Catholic society concerned by the concept of masculinity and sex. The introduction places writing by early modern Spanish women within the broader context of cultural and economic changes in the society. Since the expected audience for this collection is a reader familiar with English Renaissance drama, the introduction draws connections between, for instance, the Spanish public theaters, the corral de comedias, and English public theaters like London’s Globe. In addition to a panoramic view of Golden Age Spanish theater, the introduction highlights the role of women as writers and consumers in a time when Spain was experiencing great changes in its economy and urbanization. The shifting rules that regulated theater was a sign of the anxiety provoked by gender and masculinity’s unstable conventions in the time when the playwrights of this collection lived.

6> The introduction and the footnotes create a good balanced background for, on the one hand, readers who are not familiar with early modern Spanish drama and, on the other hand, readers who are well-versed but might not be familiar with the female writers of this time. For more advanced readers, the footnotes provide information for a deeper independent study in topics such as female friendship, changing roles of women in early modern European societies, gender issues, Spanish conventual life, and Spanish nation-building processes.

7> Harley Erdman’s translation work is outstanding. His translation respects the originality and uniqueness of the Spanish dramatic verse and forms without making the plays sound antiquated or domesticated. The footnotes that accompany the plays make important clarifications about word selection and verse shift, and explanations about jokes or other allusions that get lost in translation.

8> In summary, Women Playwrights of Early Modern Spain enhances substantially our understanding of women’s role in early modern Spanish history and theater, and, therefore, complicates the relationship between the canon and non-canonical writers. The overview of different sites of theater and performance (cape and sword drama at the corrales, auto sacramental performances at the palace, and convent plays) in the introduction contextualize the ten works from this collection that encompasses distinctive styles and themes. This new monograph, although directed to English-speaking audiences, can be used in any introductory class for graduate students interested in broadening the canon to include other voices of Early Modern European literature. My only criticism is the brevity of the biographical notes and play analysis. This short length represents, however, how little we know about these women and their work, and the important work scholars have to do to unearth their literary voices.
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Diana Galarreta-Aima, PhD, is Spanish Assistant Professor Coordinator of the minor in Medical Spanish, and Faculty advisor of the JMU MEDLIFE chapter at James Madison University.
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APPOSITIONS:
Studies in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
Volume Ten (2017): Artefacts
_____


Lyn Bennett: "Trapnel’s Report and Plea"


Lyn Bennett

Book Review

Anna Trapnel, Anna Trapnel’s Report and Plea; or, A Narrative of Her Journey from London into Cornwall. Edited by Hilary Hinds. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series, Vol. 50, ITER (Toronto, 2016) and Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Tempe AZ, 2016), 155 + xvi pp. ISBN: 9780866985581

1> In her introduction to Anna Trapnel’s Report and Plea, Hilary Hinds reminds us that Trapnel’s writing lay long dormant “until recent scholarship rekindled a sense of the fascination and importance of her life and work.” First published in 1654, Trapnel’s account of her itinerant preaching through Cornwall and subsequent trial and imprisonment at Bridewell was, Hinds notes, only one among “six texts authored by her to be published in six years” that, taken together, suggest something of the extent of “public interest” in the author and her work (28).

2> Perhaps best known for her very public twelve-day trance at Whitehall and the resulting prophecies recorded by an unnamed “relator” and published as The Cry of a Stone in 1654, Trapnel was a Fifth Monarchy Baptist whose voice was enabled by conditions of publication dramatically altered over the course of two Civil Wars as well as the singular religious and political context in which she spoke and wrote. In broad and fine strokes, Hind’s generous introduction sketches a world very much turned upside down, the King displaced by the oft-despised Oliver Cromwell, the New Army General and Lord Protector Trapnel challenged in speech and in print, and a once-united religion split into a dizzying array of factions and sects. Those factions, as Hinds explains, included those that divided Baptists who may have been united in common rejection of infant baptism but were split into Calvinist believers in predestination (those Particular Baptists that included Trapnel) and Arminian heretics who upheld the possibility of personal redemption. In this and other ways, Hinds’ admittedly brief but wide-ranging account of “the turmoil generated by the unprecedented and fast-moving events” (5) gathers a perfect storm of Interregnum conditions that signalled for the Fifth Monarchists an imminent Second Coming and afforded Trapnel a prophetic place near its center.

3> Unlike the mediated The Cry of a Stone, which was in 2000 published in a modern edition also by Hinds, the Report and Plea is a first-person narrative recounted by Trapnel herself; like the earlier work, however, Trapnel’s account of her journey and trial stands out also as the product of a prophet whose role transcended that of “religious polemicist, political commentator, or biblical exegete” (10). In the earlier prophecies, Trapnel speaks not in slavish imitation of the Scripture on which The Cry of a Stone heavily draws, but in highly rhetorical and imaginative re-visioning of its most cryptic Book of Revelations. Hinds likewise notes an equally “striking” use of “linguistic resources” evident not only in the Report and Plea’s abundance of biblical imagery but, fittingly enough for the self-proclaimed daughter of a shipwright hailing from Stepney Parish east of London, also in the frequent invocation of “nautical metaphor to flesh out a spiritual point.” Reading the later narrative as more than an historical artifact of personal biography and “religious life” (12), Hinds does well to underscore its interest as a literary text.

4> It is not only in Scripture’s “sweet unfoldings” (99) or in Christ’s “bowels of compassion” (97) that Trapnel’s authorial voice proves lively and inventive. Including accounts of what she observed as she walked “in a curious garden” (55) and elsewhere outdoors, what she experienced in her arrest and transportation back to London, and what she suffered from the dreadful sickness that befell her during her imprisonment at Bridewell, Trapnel’s narrative does much to convey the richness of lived experience. That she sometimes recounts details as small as what she ate, from the fasting “draught of small beer or cider” and the occasional “little piece of toast” (100) that appear also in The Cry of a Stone, to the “piece of pie” (105) she brought from Plymouth and consumed on the way to Portsmouth, further attests to her attentiveness as a storyteller. Transforming the literal into the figurative in describing, for example, the fragility of “partridge eggs of the largest kind” transported by an accompanying Lieutenant and bound as a gift to Cromwell (105), and later invoking those “eggs that are subject to rot or to break before they come to be large partridges” as antithetical to the grace conferred upon the elect by the “great Jehovah” and “his son Christ” (108), she also reveals more than a modicum of poetic sensibility and argumentative sense. Finding and using the available mean of persuasion in fashioning a script uniquely her own, Trapnel recognizes possibility in the tool she uses; like every cognizant rhetor, however, she is also aware of its “dangerous ambiguity” and the corollary necessity that, as Hinds puts it, language – like those fragile eggs – is “always to be handled with care” (26-27).

5> Suggesting something of the knowledge yet to be gleaned from an already-fascinating text, Hinds’ introduction is complemented by extensive explanatory notes offering scriptural cross-references and detailed explanations of legal proceedings as well as information about the people Trapnel encountered and the places she traveled. Including some relevant contemporary texts, the appended bibliography also provides references to secondary works whose number is necessarily limited by a body of scholarship that, Hinds explains, is of “such quantity now that it is no longer possible to do full justice to all who have contributed to it” (31). Indeed, Hinds’ edition of The Cry of a Stone has surely done much to encourage interest in Trapnel’s long-overlooked corpus, and her work on the Report and Plea will likely prove even more timely and relevant to an audience of diverse interests. The volume would serve well as an assigned text for upper-level undergraduate and graduate students of literature, history, gender, politics, religion, and women’s studies, and will be a welcome addition to the libraries of established scholars. As with the other titles so far included in The Toronto Series, Anna Trapnel’s Report and Plea is a high-quality volume certain to endure intellectually, academically, and materially.
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Associate Professor at Dalhousie University, Lyn Bennett teaches classes in rhetoric, writing, and early modern literature. She has recently published in the Journal of Medical Humanities, and her monograph, Rhetoric, Medicine, and the Woman Writer, 1600-1700, is forthcoming with Cambridge University Press. She is currently working on a grant-funded collaborative project titled Early Modern Maritime Recipes.
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APPOSITIONS:
Studies in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
http://appositions.blogspot.com/,
ISSN: 1946-1992,

Volume Ten (2017): Artefacts
_____

Susan Broomhall: "The Misfortunes of Love"


Susan Broomhall

Book Review

Claudine-Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin, Memoirs of the Count of Comminge and The Misfortunes of Love. Edited and translated by Jonathan D. Walsh. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series, Vol. 48, ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016), 147 + xiv pp. ISBN: 9780866985543

1> This volume brings together two of Claudine-Alexandrine de Tencin’s prose works, the Memoirs of the Count of Comminge (1735) and her last novel, The Misfortunes of Love (1747). Both were published anonymously during the lifetime of their author, a remarkable interlocutor within the social and political scene in Paris whose tumultuous and passionate life surely inspired some of the reflections on particularly female feeling forms, modes of affective expression, and opportunities for emotional experience with which these two works are fundamentally engaged.

2> Strong passions underpin the Memoirs, which narrate the ill-fated love of cousins, Adélaïde de Lussan and the Comte, whose father has sworn eternal hatred for his brother, and whose perspective and feelings the reader follows through various unlikely scenarios of the roman d’aventure. The love that binds these protagonists is felt and expressed primarily as suffering. Its experience is not found in the joy of marriage but in commitment to a particular form of torment and grief that drives decisions to choose other partners and retreat to remote environments such as the monastery. It is an agony for and of love, for example, that sees Adélaïde chose to watch in silence (while disguised as a fellow monk) over the anguished Comte rather than reveal herself as the lover that he believes he has lost to the grave.

3> The Misfortunes of Love, as the title indicates, works over a similar theme but through the viewpoints of three women, in a sophisticated framework of interwoven voices and connected experiences. Although distinguished by their class, the wealthy heiress Pauline, the nun Eugénie and the jailer’s daughter, Hippolyte, nonetheless share stories of the betrayal, loss, forgiveness and friendships forged by destructive love and acceptance of marital duty. Forceful passion can be disastrous, Tencin’s work suggests, but love can also be indulged, perhaps even enjoyed, as suffering, and directed into binding commitments in the form of deep and fulfilling companionship.

4> Tencin published at least one other novel, Le Siège de Calais, and is considered the possible author of several other contemporary works (although Walsh does not explore these suggestions in his Introduction). Read together, the particular two novels that he has chosen to translate in this edition form logical counterparts and offer valuable counterpoints. Neither are set in the contemporary world of Tencin, yet both explore challenges for, and cults of, emotional expression of both men and women very much of her time.

5> One might, therefore, expect pointed commentary on contemporary social and moral strictures of love for men and women from this leading salonnière. However, neither historical nor socio-political contexts matter much to these texts, in which focus and action is thoroughly contained to the experience of a feeling self. Its narrative is not the implausible plot but the trajectory of how love can be experienced within a particular feeling self, as an evolving intellectual and bodily practice of pleasure and pain, even pleasure in pain, and in relation to decisions and actions that love, in its various forms, motivates. Where Tencin does offer innovation, certainly, is in depicting an emotional and affective journey that is accessible to any feeling self, male or female, and of any class: these are indeed ‘other voices’ in the literature of her time.

6> These are texts that draw readers into an imagined and felt community of empathy—readers, much like the friends and allies within the stories, are people who are uniquely sensible to feel with the protagonists. Both this readerly pact of sensibility and the works’ exploration of sentiment evidently captured the mood of the reading public through the Ancien Regime and into the early nineteenth century. Abbé Prevost claimed that the Memoirs would be read by ‘everyone with taste’ in his review in Le Pour et contre (vol. 7, 1735, p. 292), even if he was less convinced by the ‘bizarre conclusion’ and strength of feeling (or ‘passion’) between the lovers. Popular with the fashionable set, the works were widely translated and even adapted into theatre pieces at the end of the eighteenth century.

7> Walsh highlights the generic conventions in which Tencin’s works can be located, the ‘cult of suffering’ in which they participate, and her protagonists’ spaces for feeling, including the monastery and wilderness, which anticipate the gothic. He situates Tencin’s work primarily within contemporary emotional practices of literary men, most notably Prevost (about whose Cleveland Walsh is currently preparing a study for publication). In doing so, he perhaps misses an opportunity to articulate thoroughly what the female author working within a tradition of the historical novel that was then dominated by women, might bring to that conversation. The Introduction offers most to those who are already aware of the conventions and contributions of that literature. In that sense, readers who come to the works for the first time here may struggle with the scholarly apparatus that surrounds the translations. The preface that precedes Walsh’s Introduction, by leading Tencin editor and scholar Michel Delon (translated here by Walsh), proceeds even more so than the Introduction from assumptions of readers’ deep familiarity with the works.

8> At a first reading, then, one might be persuaded of Prevost’s opinion, that these works are well written, albeit somewhat ‘sterile’, pieces in the French classical style (he intended the Memoirs). However, a deep appreciation of Tencin’s complex exploration of the misfortunes of love, misfortunes capable of both pleasure and pain, is the reward of repeated, careful engagement with these works. Walsh’s translations and commentary enable Tencin’s voice to be heard in a growing scholarly conversation about gender, genre and emotions in literary culture and reader experience.
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Professor Susan Broomhall is an Australian Research Council Future Fellow at The University of Western Australia and was a Foundation Chief Investigator in the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for the History of Emotions. She is author of various studies of women’s writings, emotions and experiences in early modern Europe, particularly France. She is currently working on a monograph on emotions and power in the correspondence of Catherine de Medici.
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APPOSITIONS:
Studies in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
Volume Ten (2017): Artefacts
_____

Elisabeth C. Davis: "Mother Juana de la Cruz"


Elisabeth C. Davis

Book Review

Mother Juana de la Cruz, Visionary Sermons (1481-1534). Edited by Jessica A. Boon and Ronald E. Surtz. Translated by Ronald E. Surtz and Nora Weinerth. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series, Vol. 47, ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016), 243 pp. ISBN: 9780866985499

1> In the past thirty or so years, the historiography on women’s religiosity in the medieval and early modern periods has come into its own. Beginning with Caroline Walker Bynum’s landmark texts on women, their bodies, and religion, historians have teased out the various ways religious women interpreted their beliefs and acted within Catholic society. These texts not only include intriguing historical theses by the monoliths of history, including Natalie Davis and Barbara Diefendorf, but also exquisite primary source collections. It is into the latter group that Jessica Boon’s and Ronald E. Surtz’s Mother Juana de la Cruz, 1481-1534, Visionary Sermons enters.

2> I will not deny that when I pick up a collection of primary sources, I long to read to the sources first, rather than the introduction. While I value the time it has taken the editors to compile a collection, I want the cake, as it were, rather than just the icing. Yet, Jessica Boon’s introduction to de la Cruz’s sermons justifies the wait. Her introduction is beautifully written and diligently researched by someone who obviously has a passion for the topic.

3> Part of my deep admiration for this collection comes from the Boon’s emphasis on expanding the timeline of medieval visionary literature. While Boon admirably describes the literature of “Spanish Renaissance,” she explicitly writes that her and Surtz’s goal is to “expand the canon of medieval vision literature…to include these Renaissance Castillian visionary sermons” (8). This elongated timeline of visionary literature challenges the more traditional timelines in the historiography of medieval and Renaissance Europe that have strict cut off dates, with the Renaissance beginning in 1450. Boon’s and Surtz’s desire to place de la Cruz’s work in conversation with medieval literature forces scholars to look beyond the arbitrary dates that divide the different periods in history, literature, and religion to the longer trends that unite them.

4> Boon and Surtz also challenge historians to focus on larger geographical connections within these two periods. Spanish history tends to be isolated within the larger fields of medieval and early modern studies. Students of history, literature, and religion are more likely to take a general course on the medieval or early modern periods that focuses on France, Italy, and England, rather than including Spain within these narratives. By placing de la Cruzs’s work within the interlocking circles of the Spanish Renaissance and medieval and Renaissance literature, the editors of this collection call upon professional scholars to widen their horizons to include Spain within a broader European mindset, rather than leaving it to its own devices.

5> Historiographical implications aside, one of the most profound aspects of Boon’s introduction is her analysis of the sermons themselves. Boon’s introduction rightly situates de la Cruz’s sermons as straddling Bernard McGinnis’s Foundations of Mysticism and Bynum’s classic works. By using McGinnis to analyze de la Cruz, Boon reminders the reader of how the public would have responded to the sermons. As she notes, these sermons would have been spoken aloud, intended for a larger audience rather than only the literate. Indeed, she suggests that de la Cruz meant her sermons to inspire visionary or mystic experiences within each of her audience members. Despite this stimulating suggestion, Boon does not continue with her line of thought, placing it at the end of her introduction, rather than centering her introduction on it. She leaves her readers wondering how de la Cruz intended the performance of the sermons and whether the performance aspect of the visionary sermons was a part of a larger trend in Renaissance Spain.

6> The meat of Boon’s introduction emphasizes what we might call the gender bending of de la Cruz’s sermons. Like Bynum’s older works, Boon analyzes how de la Cruz played with the gender binary, drawing from both feminine and masculine imagery in her attempts not only to connect her readers with the divine but also to understand it herself. Given that it has been nearly thirty years since Bynum first proposed these ideas, it is rather unsurprising for a scholar to illustrate medieval mystics defying traditional gender pairings. Boon’s analysis may be uninspiring but it is well done, with Boon fleshing out specific details within her larger arguments. Moreover, given her desire to bring de la Cruz into a medieval visionary dialogue, it is justifiable that she would draw upon the Bynum for inspiration.

7> Apart from Boon’s thoughtful introduction, I was struck by the beauty and sophistication of Ronald E. Surtz’s and Nora Weinerth’s translation work. It is difficult to do a basic translation, let alone one in a historical dialect. Yet Surtz and Weinerth have managed to maintain the lyrical, poetic quality of de la Cruz’s sermons. When putting these sermons in the context of Boon’s emphasis on their performance quality, the reader gains a sense of why they appealed to early modern audiences. Not only is Surtz’s and Weinerth’s translation remarkable, but the annotations within the sermons are commendable. These comments, which provide Biblical verses and explain imagery, are particular time savers for students, or even professionals, studying the sermons within a limited amount of time.

8> Despite my continuing praise for this collection, I would have liked more on the structure of the collection, particularly why the editors organized the sermons the way they did. Boon and Surtz outline each individual sermon in its introduction, giving readers, an overview of the upcoming text. Yet, they do not explain the collected order of the sermons themselves. Does this order reflect the original publication? Is it different? If so, why? There is always some symbolism behind the structure of a collected edition. In this case, that symbolism is a secret that the editors hold close.

9> In all, Mother Juana de la Cruz, 1481-1534, Visionary Sermons is an excellent addition to the library of any scholar of the medieval or early modern historian period. It is also a valuable edition for those who wish to teach an introductory course on these two periods; women in the pre-modern world; or medieval/early modern Christianity. Like de la Cruz’s work, it is has enough layers of meanings to appeal not only to upper division undergraduates but also to professional scholars.
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Elisabeth C. Davis is a doctoral candidate in the history department at the University at Buffalo. Her work focuses on the role of the nuns in society. Her research ranges from Merovingian queen saints in medieval France, to nuns in the seventeenth century Europe, to the Ursulines in colonial Quebec. She is currently working on her dissertation, which analyzes nuns in nineteenth century America.
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APPOSITIONS:
Studies in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
Volume Ten (2017): Artefacts 
_____

Jeanette Fregulia: "Letters to Her Sons"


Jeanette M. Fregulia

Book Review

Alessandra Macinghi Strozzi, Letters to Her Sons (1447-1470). Edited by Judith Bryce. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series, Vol. 46, ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016), 294 + xvi pp. ISBN: 9780866985482

1> With this first complete English translation of the seventy-three letters penned by Alessandra Strozzi (c. 1406-1471), editor and translator Judith Bryce provides more than just a much-anticipated contribution to the study of women’s writing in the early modern era. With this collection, Bryce also opens a window into the daily lives of women. Alessandra Strozzi, a widow from the city’s mercantile patriciate, may be considered exceptional. To be sure, she grew up in a prosperous family. More importantly, she received an education that made possible her membership in a small but diverse group of female writers in early modernity that included Margherita Datini (1360-1423), who left behind over two hundred letters to her husband, the famed merchant Francesco Datini, as well as a contemporary of Alessandra, Lucrezia Tournabuoni (1427-1482). That she was literate also meant that Alessandra could write for herself all that she wished to convey about her life in Florence to her sons, living far away in cities such as Barcelona, Bruges, and Naples. A careful reading of Alessandra’s correspondence, offered with clarity, precision, and heart, also opens a window into the personal world of women who could not write for themselves, or whose writings have since been lost to time, making Bryce’s work not just a contribution to the study of women’s literary practices but also to the history of women more generally, giving a voice to the shared fears, joys, and trails that filled their daily lives. Perhaps the best example of this is Alessandra’s reply to the news that her youngest son, Matteo, had died while living with his brothers Filippo and Lorenzo in Naples. Writing of “the sorrow and anguish I felt on the death of my sweet young son,” (85) a death that would grieve Alessandra for the rest of her life.

2> Married while still in her teens to Matteo Strozzi, son of one of Florence’s leading mercantile families, Alessandra’s time as a wife would prove short, only thirteen years, ending in sadness. The first challenge came in 1434, when her husband Matteo was exiled to Pesaro, a town along Italy’s Adriatic coast, by Cosimo de’ Medici (1389-1464), founder of the Medici political dynasty. A short time after her husband’s departure from Florence, Alessandra took the couple’s seven children and joined him in exile. Less than a year after their arrival, a bout of plague struck Pesaro, taking the lives of her husband and three of their children, leaving Alessandra, who was again pregnant, a widow. Following this loss of her husband, Alessandra and her surviving children returned to Florence. Without a father, Alessandra looked to her late husband’s cousins to help her two surviving oldest sons, Filippo and Lorenzo, make their fortunes. The brothers would be joined later, much to Alessandra’s dismay, by their youngest brother, Matteo, the child with who Alessandra was pregnant at the time of her husband’s death (11).

3> Making an important contribution to the series, The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe, this translation of Alessandra Strozzi’s personal correspondence invites a broad readership of students and scholars, from those seeking a deeper understanding of the epistolary practices of women in fifteenth century Italy, to anyone curious about familial relations, particularly between mother and sons, as there is no surviving evidence of Alessandra ever having written to her daughters. This does not necessarily mean that Alessandra was not close to her daughters Caterina and Alessandra, as indeed it is likely that she was. Not only did both girls live in Florence after their marriages, but it was their mother who played an important role in ensuring that her daughters married within their family’s social network. News of the marriage of eldest is the very first letter of Alessandra’s letters, dated 24 August 1447, in which she writes to her son Filippo, then living in Naples that “our Caterina” was wed to Marco Parenti, a “well-to-do” silk merchant (29). This is not the only mention of the daughters, and suggests not only Alessandra’s presence in their lives but also her wish that her sons be kept informed about the lives of their sisters. Throughout the letters, readers will also find evidence of the trials of widowhood and the sadness of a mother whose sons live far away, information about the social, economic, and political world of fifteenth century Italy, including the relaying of important news, such as the death of Cosimo de’ Medici, a part of Letter 36 in September 1464, and the arrival of yet another recurrence of the plague in March 1463, (see letter 28).

4> Far more than just a series of letters, Judith Bryce embraces the challenges of translation, and while her own work is based primarily on the original 1877 Italian publication of the letters edited by Cesare Guasti (still available both online and in print), Bryce brings her own fresh new translation of a woman speaking for herself, as the majority of the letters she wrote herself. The best examples of Alessandra’s voice include notes on illness, in which she despairs also of “really getting old,” (letter 2, 34), to her ongoing quest to find a suitable wife for her eldest son Filippo, who seems in no hurry to leaved bachelorhood behind, as evidenced in Letter 52. In this letter, Alessandra extols merits, and perhaps for the sake of honesty also hints at the less desirable qualities, of Caterina Tanagli, described by Alessandra as “attractive and has a good figure” While Alessandra continues that Caterina’s “face is not one of those very beautiful ones (it) isn’t out of keeping with the rest of her; and she’ll turn out beautiful” (177). This same letter reveals more than just Alessandra’s desire to see her son married, it also suggests that there was more to consider in a match than dowry, although Caterina’s reported one-thousand florin dowry hardly made her a pauper. Alessandra seems to be equally concerned with the prospective bride’s appearance, illustrating that during the Renaissance marriage was not, necessarily, exclusively about economic, political, and/or social gain.

5> In addition to arranging marriages, mourning death, and passing along information about the happenings in the city of Florence, Alessandra’s letters reveal that she managed some her own financial matters, including contemplating selling some land she owned to afford the tax on it (80). In this same letter, number 16, we find in Alessandra more than just a doting mother, but also one capable of chastising. Indeed, she begins this letter of 27 July 1459 to Filippo in Naples with her dismay that he had not replied to her previous letter “as quickly as I would have liked” (80).

6> For all that Alessandra Strozzi was out of the ordinary in terms of her abilities to read, write, and likely to complete simple math, she was also very much a woman of fifteenth century Florence who looked mostly to her sons, and at times her son-in-law, Marco Parenti, married to her daughter Caterina for assistance with financial and family matters. Tempting as it might be to dismiss Alessandra’s important for feminist scholarship, specifically because she wrote exclusively to her sons, this would unfortunate. When thinking about Alessandra’s place in history, it is important to keep in mind that neither women nor men can be understood outside of the historic context in which they lived. Despite some legal rights, including most importantly remittance of their dowry upon widowhood, women did not have the same standing as men under the law. This does not mean, however, that women such as Alessandra were powerless. As the letters reveal, she arranged marriages for her daughters, and eventually her two surviving sons, and she assisted some of the business transactions of Filippo and Lorenzo as they were not in Florence. Thus, readers of her correspondence should be mindful of the need to keep in mind the limitations that Alessandra’s fifteenth century world placed upon her, and the gendered perspectives that would have informed her writing.

7> On one final note, I would call attention to the extensive notes that Bryce provides with each letter. These can be helpful in understanding the larger context, or gaining additional information, without interfering with the letters themselves. Students and scholars will find within the letters great insights into the lives of women, familial relations, and complexities of life in fifteenth century Florence. Bryce must be commended for making Alessandra and her world accessible to those who do not read Italian, allowing Alessandra Strozzi to be heard on her own terms.
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Jeanette M. Fregulia is Associate Professor of History at Carroll College in Helena, Montana. She holds an MA in Middle East Studies from the University of London and a PhD in Renaissance History from the University of Nevada, Reno. Her research interests center on women, commerce, and trade in early modern Italy and the Mediterranean.
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APPOSITIONS:
Studies in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
Volume Ten (2017): Artefacts
_____


Kelly Peebles: "From the Queen of Navarre"


Kelly D. Peebles

Book Review

Jeanne d’Albret, Letters from the Queen of Navarre with an Ample Declaration. Edited and translated by Kathleen M. Llewellyn, Emily E. Thompson, and Colette H. Winn. The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe: The Toronto Series, Vol. 43, ITER Academic Press & Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Toronto, Canada & Tempe, Arizona, 2016), 116 pp. ISBN: 9780866985451

“Among an infinite number of examples of suffering, humiliation, and dishonor that they inflicted on [my husband], I will recount one here, which, if it were fiction would need a poet to depict it well, and if it were of little consequence, would need an orator to color it. But the naked truth of this tragicomedy provides its own ornament.”
—Jeanne d’Albret, Ample Declaration (53)

1> Writing six years after the death of her husband, Antoine de Bourbon, Jeanne d’Albret seeks to rehabilitate his memory and her reputation by exposing the pernicious machinations of her chief nemeses at the French court, François de Guise and his brother, the Cardinal de Lorraine.[1] In her Ample Declaration, a collection of letters followed by an explanation of their content first printed in 1569, the author sets up a premise of truthfulness. In addition to the declaration above, Jeanne frequently peppers her text with affirmations of its veracity: “I truly know,” “you have witnessed,” “I [...] explain in my letters,” “you can see from this,” “everyone knows,” “there I pointed out,” “as God is my witness,” (43, 50, 51, 53, 57, 69). There are many such examples.

2> A decade earlier, Jeanne had been instrumental in the posthumous printing of a book written by her mother, Marguerite de Navarre (20). In the prologue to the Heptaméron, Marguerite’s collection of tales first printed in 1558, the author sets up a specific set of rules that each of ten storytellers will follow: the tales will be truthful, based solely on eyewitness testimony or heard from a trustworthy source, and they will be devoid of “rhetorical ornament,” so as to avoid bending the truth. By telling “the unadulterated truth,” each storyteller illustrates a life lesson, many of which focus on religious, political, and familial devotion, often critiquing social practices or exposing corruption in the church.[2] While Jeanne publicly declared her Calvinist faith in December of 1560, Marguerite never formally broke with the Catholic church. However, she played an essential role in promoting early church reform in France and in protecting those fleeing religious persecution, including John Calvin.[3]

3> Although the Ample Declaration is a very different type of work from her mother’s writings, Jeanne also sets out to demonstrate her devotion to God, to the French king, and to her family lineage, three preoccupations of which she reminds the reader nearly as often as her truthfulness. To that end, Jeanne exposes corruption at the French court, plots that rendered difficult her devotion and harmed (or threatened to harm) the objects thereof. Thus, the works of mother and daughter have much in common despite their differences. As Kathleen Llewellyn, Emily Thompson, and Colette Winn convincingly point out in their introduction, Jeanne relies both on epistolary diplomacy to pacify and to make requests of her interlocutors (the king, the queen mother, the king’s brother, her brother-in-law, and the queen of England), and on literary conventions associated with the still-popular genre of the novella. While she eschews all poetic and rhetorical ornament, her manner of narrating intercalated stories and reproducing the atmosphere of oral storytelling is an effective strategy for “dramatizing events and structuring them into narrative modules.” What this does is provide a “mnemonic evocation of specific historical moments” (21). In other words, Jeanne manipulates the familiar story-telling and organizational practices of the novella (practices used in her mother’s Heptaméron) in order to ease her readers into understanding the events leading up to 1568 and persuade them to accept her decision to leave Navarre for the Protestant stronghold of La Rochelle.

4> This was a complicated situation. But just as Jeanne guides her reader through events in her Ample Declaration, so do the editors guide us through the historical context in their highly approachable, ample introduction of 35 pages. Approximately half of that space is devoted to situating Jeanne's work within of the years leading up to the Third War of Religion (1568-1570). At the time, the heads of the most prominent noble families were pitted one against another as they jockeyed for power and sought to realize their religious and political ambitions. Charles IX of the reigning Valois family sought to stabilize his reign and pacify factions. Jeanne’s husband Antoine sought to regain lost territory and ensure the place of his son (the future Henri IV) at court. Because of this, his religious faith turned in the direction of the political winds, or as Jeanne puts it, “he embrac[ed] the ephemeral at the expense of the everlasting” (51). The staunch Catholic François de Guise, whose niece, Mary, Queen of Scots, was the widow of the recently deceased François II, fiercely protected his favored position and influence at the French court and, according to Jeanne, plotted to assassinate her husband and his Bourbon brothers. But the wives, mothers, and daughters of these men also played central roles in the religious, political, and literary life at court: Catherine de’ Medici (mother of Charles IX and regent), Anne d’Este (wife of François de Guise and daughter of the Protestant-leaning Renée de France), and Catherine de Bourbon (daughter of Antoine and Jeanne), to name but a few.

5> The great interest of Jeanne’s Ample Declaration, which the editors carefully highlight, is the insight that it gives us into just what types of roles these women played. Indeed, as is the goal of this series, this volume highlights an “other voice,” one that has not yet received the same scholarly attention as her male counterparts. However, Winn, Llewellyn, and Thompson show us the relevance of Jeanne’s work for students and scholars of a variety of disciplines. In addition to their discussion of how Jeanne constructed her image via epistolary correspondence and organized and presented that information using practices associated with the novella, which will interest literary students and scholars, the editors also discuss the influence of religious polemic and memoirs in the second half of their introduction (14-35), which may pique the interest of historians. We learn, for example, that just as Protestant polemic, the Ample Declaration “was designed to sway the emerging public opinion and vilify Catholics while rehabilitating the image of Protestants” (27). Memoirs serve a similar function, for at the time, “the memoirist aimed either to bring to light certain truths by relating events personally witnessed or to inform posterity of an injustice committed against the author.” As the editors point out, “Jeanne writes with both objectives in mind” (31). And indeed, they do an admirable job of discussing the polyvalent nature of Jeanne’s work and suggesting ways to mine the text that are pertinent to various areas of specialization.

6> The critical apparatus of this volume benefits greatly from each editor’s area of scholarly expertise. My only quibble concerns treatment of both primary and secondary sources in the bibliography. While the list of secondary sources is comprehensive, spanning religious history and literature, additional references to French Calvinism and the Wars of Religion would have been useful to the reader, such as, for example, the work of historians Hugues Daussy and Raymond Mentzer. The editors identify which edition of the letters and Ample Declaration on which they base their translation (a 1570 compilation titled Histoire de nostre temps, contenant un recueil des choses mémorables passées & publiées pour le faict de la religion & estat de France depuis l’edict de la pacification du 23 Jour de mars, jusqu’au present), but they do not identify which sixteenth-century copies they were able to consult, nor do they indicate where to find other sixteenth-century primary sources listed in the bibliography. As they note in the introduction, one may find sixteenth-century primary sources on the USTC (Universal Short Title Catalog), and while this is an extremely useful resource, USTC entries do not always account for digitized source texts. This quibble is admittedly minor, and it is important to point out that the critical apparatus of this volume is far superior to that of the 2007 French-language edition.[4] In this 2016 English-language edition, generous footnotes gloss important figures and place names, explain complex political and administrative practices, untangle family relationships, clarify chronological ambiguities, and point the reader to relevant background reading. The translation itself is artfully done. It reads fluidly and manages to capture the “feel” of the original French while at the same time rearranging syntax or modernizing the vocabulary when necessary to transfer the message effectively. Within the translation, the editors indicate the pagination of their source text with square brackets, which greatly facilitates comparison with the original French for those who are able to access a copy of the 1570 edition. Following the translation are a brief chronology of events spanning the period of 1559-1572, several genealogical tables (Valois, Bourbon, and Guise families), and maps indicating Jeanne’s territories at the time of her Ample Declaration. Students, instructors, and scholars of sixteenth-century French history, literature, culture, and gender studies will want to have a copy of this book on their shelf.
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Notes:


[1] For a detailed study of their ambitions and machinations, see Stuart Carroll, Martyrs & Murderers: The Guise Family and the Making of Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).

[2] Marguerite de Navarre, The Heptameron, trans. Paul Chilton (London: Penguin, 2004), 68-70.

[3] For further contextual information on Marguerite de Navarre and her network, Jonathan Reid’s two-volume biography is an important resource. King’s Sister – Queen of Dissent: Marguerite of Navarre (1492-1549) and her Evangelical Network (Leiden: Brill, 2009). Those considering adopting this volume in a course may also find inspiration in Approaches to Teaching Marguerite de Navarre’s Heptaméron, ed. Colette Winn (New York: MLA, 2007).

[4] Bernard Berdou d’Aas, ed. Jeanne d’Albret reine de Navarre et vicomtesse de Béarn. Lettres suivies d’une Ample Déclaration (Biarritz: Atlantica, 2007).

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Kelly D. Peebles is Associate Professor of French at Clemson University. She is the editor and translator of Jeanne Flore’s Tales and Trials of Love, vol. 33 of The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe (CRRS / Iter, 2014), and has articles forthcoming in the Journal of Medical Humanities and Women in French.
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APPOSITIONS:
Studies in Renaissance / Early Modern
Literature and Culture,
Volume Ten (2017): Artefacts
_____